Bøger af Peter Ateh-Afac Fossungu

This book is testimony to the Ambazonia Project, which must come to fruition. Because its architects mean business and have a good liberation strategy and a sensible roadmap for realizing it. The availability of money is obviously a great drawback. But it is here delineated that finances alone cannot be enough to bring freedom to a people. Sapient, dedicated, farsighted, and patriotic leadership is topmost. Ambazonia is blessed to have these requisite qualities in the AWOL Leadership, aka Ayabacholization; thus, making an independent Ambazonia unstoppable. The social media chaos and numerous traitors can only aid in delaying it, they can never stop it.

From a keen and expibasketical examination of political actors in action, it seems that, at the end of the day, who is right and who is wrong in political science discourse makes no sense: except that the wrong could only be the people who argue their ontological-epistemological positions without also first understanding the position of those they are disputing with. This intriguing discovery may quite justify the counsel that it is wise not to plunge into an argument without understanding what the debate is really about. Or, that we first remove the log in our own eyes before trying to remove the speck in the eyes of others. When we heed to these simple frantalkist principles in communal affairs, the community progresses steadily; otherwise, there is only precipitated down sliding. Democracy is not a ¿my way or no way¿ thing. It is truly learning to gracefully bend to the constitutionally and conventionally reached will of the majority.

Using one of the continent's supposed pathfinders, Cameroon as case-study, this book interrogates judiciary in Africa in three domains. First, as the third branch of government, second, as the acknowledged umpire of federalism, and, finally, as a means of reversing the institutionalization of in-human rights and injustice administration in Africa. While examining the roots and causes of the persisting human rights and justice administration problems in Cameroon particularly, and Africa in general, the book through the tumbu-tumbu Long-Distance Government Theory (LDGT), argues for a rethinking and freeing of strategies currently used from close to a century of colonial and neo-colonial bondage, under the confusing covers of 'independence' and of 'advanced democracy'. The book challenges Africa to consider a mentality change, for a 'real' judiciary transformative change. The book will interest legal practitioners, social anthropologists, development studies and political science practitioners, among other such practitioners in the social sciences and humanities.

Using expibasketical theory and findings, this book attempts to understand and explain some of the wonders of love and the impacts these have on the other human institutions (such as marriage and family) that are supposed to be erected on love and understanding. Love is a phenomenon that is hard to correctly master, most probably because it is loaded with a lot of uncertainties. This simple fact must be the reason behind the commonplace saying that love is blind; a statement that can have several interpretations, one of which being that it is hard to read or know exactly what is on the other party's mind. Love thus becomes not only an intriguing feeling but also potentially full of intrigues. Can love be so blind to realities and still be love? The book answers many of such queries by expanding and delineating the frontiers of love, and thence marriage and family.

Since the mid-1980s, there has been much federalism talk in Cameroon where federation (said to have been created in Foumban in 1961) had supposedly been 'overwhelmingly' rejected in 1972 by Cameroonians. 'Confusioncracy' is the one good term that could conveniently explain it. Written with the trilogy of criticism, provocation, and construction in mind, this book aims at reconstructing a new and vigorous society in Cameroon that ensures respect for fundamental human rights and certain basic shared values. Much as the book centres on the Anglophone Problem; it is principally about human rights and their excessive violations - the direct result of the absence of separation of powers and constitutionalism. It largely condemns Cameroon's government for incessantly singing democracy and rule of law at the same time as it is massively torturing and wantonly killing citizens that dare to question the confusion. While sharing the position that a state like Cameroon must be seen to ensure that its laws and other practices accord with its international commitments, the book nonetheless strives to apportion the blame for Cameroon's human rights catastrophe accordingly; showing how the English-speaking minority itself, generally speaking, contributes to a large extent in propping up the dictatorship that is oppressing not only that minority but Cameroonians at large. The book challenges Cameroon to assume a leadership role in uniting Africans through meaningful federalization rather than further splitting them into incapable mini-states on the challenging world stage.

Cameroon is often considered to be Africa's legendary pathfinder. This book argues essentially that Cameroon cannot competently champion African unity and progress until it can correctly pursue its own multicultural nation-building. Cameroon's success continental-wise would depend on its theory and practice of multiculturalism, as particularly reflected in (1) the rejoicing in its historical diversity and the harmonious co-existence of its Systems of Education which must, of necessity, be linked to (2) effective federalization or decentralization of uniquely cultural matters. Critically examining history and education as components of culture, and therefore, of multiculturalism, the book makes some bold recommendations while demonstrating how nation-building is meaningless without the people's authentic history. It argues that Cameroon national culture cannot be a national culture without embodying the distinct culture of the English-speaking minority. Anything else is nothing but deliberate confusion of assimilation for multiculturalism, a confusion that is heavily tied to the country's phoney independence. Hinging on education (and its associates of bilingualism and bijuralism), the book demonstrates that Cameroon's over-sung cultural dualism is a charade, epitomized by the 1998 Education Law. Rather than reaffirm Cameroon's biculturalism as it superficially avows, Cameroon's purported cultural dualism is really out to efface any semblance of cultural or educational dualism that may still be resisting assimilation. The continuous and persistent employment of terms such as biculturalism, bilingualism and bijuralism in legal texts in Cameroon is only to confuse the international community, especially from seeing exactly the kind of 'ethnic cleansing' which is taking place in the country.