Bøger af Michael Haas

Eine Leseprobe finden Sie unter "https://verlag.sandstein.de/reader/98-766_Koepfe"Das menschliche Gesicht: Es spiegelt die Persönlichkeit, verrät Emotionen und Seelenzustände - manchmal gibt es auch Dinge preis, die man lieber verbergen möchte. Schminke oder Masken verfremden es, gestalten es um. In diesem Spannungsfeld von Zeigen, Verstecken und Verwandeln bewegen sich die zusammengetragenen Gemälde, Grafiken, Skulpturen und kunsthandwerklichen Objekte aus dem 14. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart. Im Fokus stehen Werke internationaler Künstler und Künstlerinnen, die den menschlichen Kopf und das Gesicht erfassen, bearbeiten oder verformen. Alle haben eins gemeinsam: Sie sind Zeugen ihrer Zeit und zugleich zeitlos - das macht sie aktuell und berührend.Die Hintergründe dieser besonderen thematischen Ausrichtung der Privatsammlung stellt Christine Litz in ihrem Essay dar. Die unterschiedlichsten Facetten rund um Identität und Verfremdung werden in Form von Kurzinterviews mit dem Sammlerpaar Anna und Michael Haas ergänzt. Beide geben Einblicke in ihre Sammlertätigkeit sowie spannende Geschichten zu einzelnen Werken. Der Ursprung ihrer Faszination für die Köpfe und Masken liegt vor allem in der Elzacher Fasnet, zu deren Historie Bernd Fackler schreibt.

Political scientist Michael Haas brings together essays by seven distinguished authors with different ideas about how North and South Korea might again become a single, unified state. The book presents a history of Korea and pathways that may be followed to bring the two Koreas together in a confederation or federation despite different economic and ideological systems-and new material identifies progress already achieved toward the goal of reunification. Chapters deal with the following approaches that have been used in other cases of divided peoples who eventually became unified under a single government: Neutralization - concluding a peace treaty and dismantling armies Functionalism - nonpolitical cross-border economic and social contact Nonviolence - the tradition of Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. Mediation - how third parties can facilitate agreements between North & South Negotiation - diplomacy involving professionals and nonprofessionals In addition, one chapter examines the feasibility of reunification from a political and military perspective. The final chapter assesses progress over the past 25 years and prospects for the future. The book has several unique elements: Proves that plans of both Koreas have changed dramatically over the years. Shows 4 basic ways to redesign relations between the Koreas. Explodes the myth that the two Koreas do not talk to each other. Explains how both Pyongyang and Seoul co-hosted the Olympic Games in 1988. Indicates that more than 100 South Korea companies operate in the North. Cites approved visits of ordinary North Koreans to South Korea and vice versa. Specifies 5 tasks for nonviolent global transformation. Traces the impact of the ending of the Cold War on both Koreas. Explains second- and third-track diplomacy-and who is involved today. Suggests how reunification could occur "spontaneously." Provides guidelines for successful negotiation outcomes. Identifies the size of armies and revenue from arms exports of both Koreas. Reveals that the USA withdrew all nuclear warheads from South Korea in 1991. Dates the origin of North Korea's nuclear program from the Cold War's end. Compares divided Korea with other divided peoples around the world. Gives details about Korea's relations with China, Japan, Russia, USA. Table of Contents Preface 1 Introduction (Michael Haas) 2 The Historical Approach (Michael Haas) 3 The Neutralization Approach (Johan Galtung) 4 The Functional Approach (Michael Haas) 5 The Nonviolence Approach (Glenn D. Paige) 6 The Mediation Approach (Theodore L. Becker) 7 The Negotiation Approach (Oran R. Young) 8 The Political Feasibility Approach (Dae-Sook Suh) 9 The Contemporary Approach (Jae-Bong Lee) Appendices: 5 Plans for Reunification Combined References Index Contributors Theodore L. Becker, Auburn University Johan Galtung, Transcend (formerly University of Oslo) Michael Haas, California Polytechnic University, Pomona Jae-Bong Lee, Wonkwang University Glenn D. Paige, University of Hawaii Dae-Sook Suh, University of Hawaii Oran R. Young, University of California, Santa Barbara

What is authentic Christianity? With so many conflicting doctrines and denominations, each claiming to be truth, how can anyone be sure that they are following God's will? The solution is to move away from doctrines that use the Bible piecemeal, seizing on some verses while ignoring others. Instead, Christians must view the Bible as a single unified narrative. Once the interconnected nature of Scripture is found, God's plan for humanity becomes crystal clear. The individual books of the Bible, while having many inspired authors and being written over hundreds of years, all have a common thread that binds them together. This book identifies that thread and shows how to walk in covenant with God.

Scholars of international studies thought that finally an extraordinary research finding would bring scholars together in a common pursuit for researcher that would lighten a pathway toward a peaceful world: If only a world of democracies could be established, international relations would be based on diplomacy, not war. But they abandoned basic rules of scientific and systematic research by failing to define what they meant by "democracy," and next sought a critical variable explaining why democracies were presumably so peaceful toward one another, unaware of paradigmatic possibilities. They ignored deviant cases and normative implications. Then came the Iraq War of 2003, when "democratic peace" research was used as a justification for unlawful aggression. Their research boomeranged. The book traces the development of the theory--from the first empirical findings, the botched and contradictory research designs, failure to consider causal implications, pseudotheoretical explanations, and implicit implications for policy. The book concludes that excellent research conducted within the framework of the delusionary social constructionist concept of "democratic peace" has fallen like Humpty Dumpty and can only be salvaged by developing paradigmatic theory about peace and war and then retrofitting the research therein.

1 The Aloha Zen President 2 Obama's Ethics 3 Political Succession in 2008 4 Birtherists 5 Social Darwinist Republicans 6 Progressive Democrats 7 America's Nascent Four-Party System 8 Why Democrats Lost in 2010 But May Win in 2012 9 Obamanomics 10 Obamacare 11 The Obama Doctrine in Foreign Policy 12 The Guantánamo Quagmire 13 Protecting Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya 14 Killing Osama Bill Laden 15 Mr. Calm and Effective's Accomplishments

Torture, murder, illegal war, the slaughter of thousands of innocents, abuse of child prisoners--these are only a few of 269 war crimes committed during the George W. Bush administration, which rolled over to the Barack Obama administration on January 20, 2019.This book summarizes the sad events of the Bush administration, as documented in the author's book "George W. Bush, War Criminal? The Bush Administrations Liability for 269 War Crimes (2009) and brings the situations up to date as of mid2010.

Internal social conditions are often cited as responsible for inter-nation aggression in discussions of war and peace. Indeed, for Marxists the sole cause of war is the existence of class struggles and internal contradictions in precapitalist and capitalist societies. To test the theory that internal stresses and strains in social systems lead to warlike behavior, five indicators of internal stress and strain-unemployment, industrialization rate (annual per capita kilowatt-hour electricity production increments), suicides, homicides, and deaths due to alcoholism-are correlated with the outbreak of war and with military expenditures, using a BALGOL program for the IBM 7090 (under NSF Grant 6PQ48). Data are collected from a sample of ten countries with reliable statistics-Australia, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Japan, Norway, Spain, Switzerland, and the United States, over the time period 1900 to 1960. As expected, the magnitude of the independent variables is positively correlated with frequency of participation in wars and with levels of military expenditures (Spearman correlation). However, all but suicides and industrialization rate are inversely related to fluctuations in warlike behavior (Pearsonian correlation) and only homicides and industrialization rate are higher in bars just before war as compared with other nonwar years (point biserial correlation). A theory of societal mechanisms for coping with stress is presented to account for the findings. Agrarian societies, where homicides are prevalent, lack sophisticated means for handling social problems, and are most likely to go to war shortly after stress is believed intolerable. Nation states in a process of industrialization, where alcoholism is especially common, are most subject of all to discouragement in time of stress because the very aim of attaining a completely industrial society is to make stress conditions reducible short of intolerability thresholds, so they will attempt to militarize in order to ward off possible external dangers with the new technological means at their disposal; but, as with all participants in arms races, they antagonize other states, and war results. Fully Industrialized countries have higher stress tolerance thresholds, less homicides and alcoholism, and they are more likely to postpone international aggression until procedures for settling international disputes peacefully are exhausted.

The discipline of political science is more than 150 years old, though speculation about politics has been taking place for millennia. Whereas past critiques and histories of the field have opened conversations about how to improve the pathway toward making the field into a science, the present volume presents a challenge-how to overcome the present situation in which the field has become characterized as a "jigsaw puzzle," divided into small subfields with very little cross-interaction. The book starts with a description of the history and subfields of the discipline. The next sections recount well-accepted grand theories and paradigms of the past in order to encourage their further development, followed by illustrative interdisciplinary empirical tests involving political anthropology, political economy, and political sociology. Policy applications demonstrate how political scientists can influence public policy, including an exposition of a new methodology for options analysis. The purpose of the volume is to reveal how a future political science can be more integrated and respected by linking theory, research, and policy applications (theoretical science, empirical science, and applied science) together within the same scholarly studies, thereby reintegrating the profession. The book, ideal as a textbook for the profession of political science, is dedicated to David Easton, who has long sought to transcend traditional, behavioralist, and postbehavioralist political science by revitalizing the profession into a neobehavioralist future.

Donald Trump has astonished the people of the United States and the world by actions and words that appear out of the mainstream of political thinking. On the contrary, in this book his approach is identified as Social Darwinism, a view with deep roots in American culture, favoring the strong over the weak. Accordingly, he consistently views his role as establishing a double standard incompatible with democracy. The book reviews the ten components of Social Darwinism, preconditions to democracy, why democracies flounder due to mass society problems, and then identifies what he promised, why he won, and what he did as president, including dirty tricks used to get his way. The book evaluates his fitness for office and impeachment liability, and then ends with suggestions on how to restore humane democracy after Trump leaves office.Trump's Social Darwinism, which lacks a scientific basis, is embedded within American political culture and is traced to the 19th century thinking of Herbert Spencer and William Graham Sumner, who were primarily libertarians opposed to having government intervene in the economy and society. Instead, Trump is a triumphalist who wants government to assist those who are successful regardless of the consequences to those deemed inferior. Among the ten components of his Social Darwinism are policies of racism, sexism, chauvinism, homophobia, anti-environmentalism, ableism, ageism, lazyism, snobbism, and heroism. The only political leader who explicitly followed the triumphalist path is Adolf Hitler, whose writings were next to Donald Trump's bed during his first marriage. The book not only classifies his campaign promises into the ten policy dimensions but documents how he has carried out policies to implement his vision of an America that would create ten types of Jim Crow standards. Nevertheless, the book points out how Congress has rejected his budgetary proposals that would do so.The success of Donald Trump is attributed to his intuitive understanding of sociology's major theory--the Mass Society Paradigm. American society, according to Trump, involves a government and civil society that do not pay attention to the needs of the people, treating them as masses. His remedy, known as populism, is to speak directly to the people in order to implement reforms that will no longer disregard their economic and social desires and needs. Reasons for his support go beyond institutional barriers to voting and demographics, consisting of a strain of authoritarianism present in American society.To carry out his triumphalism, he repeatedly berates bureaucrats of the "administrative state," the "fake news" media, over-politicized judges, and political party leaders. In so doing, he denigrates the basic institutions of American democracy. The book details exactly how he has tried to discredit democratic institutions, often by signing executive orders that take drastic action. Yet the courts have blocked implementation of many new directions followed by members of his administration. The book reflects on whether he is fit to be president. His abilities are assessed along several dimensions--administrative, intellectual, moral, physical, psychological, rational, and temperamental fitness.In addition, the book considers grounds for Trump's possible impeachment, ranging from abuse of power, attacking rule of law, bribery, corruption, emoluments received, endangering national security, failure to executed presidential duties, refusal to implement Congressional laws, immorality, obstruction of justice, perjury, jury and witness tampering, and even treason. Alternatives to impeachment are also reviewed.The final chapter outlines what can be done to eradicate Social Darwinism's popularity, restore democracy, and reverse conditions of American mass society. Readers are encouraged to rethink American government as a body that will coordinate "1000 points of light" to achieve social democracy.

This book identifies why presidents, prime ministers, and other leaders of countries often make blunders in foreign policy. Blunders have been recognized within the study of foreign policy, but no central methodology or theory has developed to provide a way to avoid future disasters. Options are often presented to leaders of countries by advisers who do not always assess which policies will best serve national interests. Presidents, prime ministers, and other leaders of countries then have their legacy judged accordingly. Therefore, the book reviews existing efforts at developing theories of foreign policy to determine why they have failed. Instead of allowing a discipline with a lot of competing theories to continue to flounder, the book consolidates all approaches and develops a new professional format that will serve to professionalize foreign policy decision-making so that fewer key decisions are ever again considered blunders.

Michael Haas sensitively records the experiences of the composers who fled the Nazis, escaping Hitler's Germany to make new lives across the globe. Haas traces the distinctive contribution these composers made to the twentieth-century soundscape?and offers a moving record of the incalculable effects of war on culture.

Donald Trump, as president, sought to undermine fundamental norms and principles of American government, institutionalizing bigotry, and therefore damaged American society. Details are provided on how he carried out a racist and sexist agenda, endangered the lives of LGBQTs, terrorized immigrants, allowed exploitation of the environment, endangered public health and the lives of seniors, and tried to abolish the social safety net, while trying to construct an economic oligarchy around him and building a personal praetorian guard. To explain what he did, the book provides a unique window into how agencies of federal government work, their programs, and what he did to reverse decades of social development of the American people. "This richly detailed and accessible book is a report card on the Trump presidential era, and the grades are not good. Covering ten major areas from homophobia to immigration, this thoughtful report gives a dismal assessment of how society was shaken up, and casts a dark cloud on Trumpism¿s continuing influence. This is must reading for any concerned citizen in assessing the damage that has been done and preparing for the social battles to come."¿Mark Juergensmeyer, Distinguished Professor Emeritus of Sociology and Global Studies and Founding Director, Orfalea Center for Global & International Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara; Author of Global Rebellion: Religious Challenges to the Secular State (2009) "This is a study of both how Donald Trump attempted to impose his will on domestic policy and also a broader story of how and why presidents are so often frustrated in achieving their domestic goals. It is a joy to read a master scholar at the top of his game, and with this book, Michael Haas provides us with a valuable, readable and important lens into both Donald Trump and the American political process. This book may not be the last book on Donald Trump¿s domestic policy, but it is likely to be the most important, and the most lasting."¿Michael A. Genovese, President, Global Policy Institute, and Loyola Chair of Leadership, Loyola Marymount University; Author of The Modern Presidency: Six Debates That Define the Institution (2022) and How Trump Governs (2017)

Democracy is only sustainable if ten conditions are present. As these are in serious jeopardy today, the US has become a pseudo democracy. This book presents detailed analysis of how the pillars have fallen due to defects of the Constitution, socioeconomic inequality, voter ignorance and suppression, and six other conditions that are almost beyond remedy.

Why did Washington fail in handling the coronavirus pandemic, from the Trump White House and federal government to the role of state governments, and the severe impact upon the American people? This book examines the critical importance of the clash between politicians and scientists in failing to adequately address the encroaching pandemic.

This study describes how and why institutional racism arose in Hawai'i, what kept it going and how it can be dismantled. It focuses on racial problems in relation to education, employment, health care delivery and public accommodation.

The book demonstrates how mass society politics operates, with intermediate institutions of civil society (media, pressure groups, political parties) no longer transmitting the will of the people to government but instead are concerned with corporate interests and have developed oligarchical mindsets.

Dr. Michael Haas' book United States Diplomacy with North Korea and Vietnam aims to explain a significant, beguiling discrepancy in U.S. foreign relations: How has American diplomacy with Vietnam proved so successful when compared with its efforts to negotiate with North Korea?

The book demonstrates how mass society politics operates, with intermediate institutions of civil society (media, pressure groups, political parties) no longer transmitting the will of the people to government but instead are concerned with corporate interests and have developed oligarchical mindsets.

This insightful book shows how the cultural affinity among the island nations of the South Pacific, known as the Pacific Way, has led to unique regional intergovernmental organizations.

This book examines the history of the major paradigms of political science and proposes a new model for political theory. The book champions a neobehavioral political science including multimethodological innovations, cross-testing of paradigms, and tenets of a new political science that can rise to become a truly theoretical science

While many texts on international relations deal only with ideologies, this book goes beyond discussion of ideology to provide an understanding of how global economics, politics, and society operate. The book begins with a history of the International Studies Association, which was founded to develop empirically-based knowledge and was opposed to ideological ';isms' as biased guides to policy. The book focuses on four major paradigmsMarxian, Mass Society, Community Building, and Rational Choicewith diagrams indicating their empirical predictions over time. The Marxian paradigm focuses on scientific claims of Marx and Engels. The Mass Society paradigm explains why democracies become dysfunctional. The Community Building paradigm explains how communities can be and are built at the local, national, regional, and international levels. The Rational Choice paradigm assembles proposed explanations of reason-based economic, political, and social life to demonstrate what they have in common. Other candidates for paradigms are reviewed, with a focus on why they need further development to become major paradigms at the decision-making, dyadic, societal, national, and international system levels of analysis.

Even before statehood, Hawaii's example of school integration gave birth to the movement resulting in Brown v Board of Education. Afterward, the Aloha State was the first to adopt many reforms: unrestricted abortion, universal health care insurance, an Equal Rights Amendment, a State Ombudsman, neighborhood boards, classifying Whites as a ';minority' in affirmative action, banning strip searches of females, and dozens of other innovative reforms that have been adopted elsewhere. Hawaii remains the only state that is officially bilingual, has required mediation before foreclosures, celebrates an Islam Day, prohibits discrimination based on credit history and breastfeeding, bans smoking until the age of 21, disallows plastic bags, has declared an end to the use of fossil fuels by 2045, and has adopted many other measures that lead the world.This book explains how developments in the Aloha State, which have provided leadership to the United States, may be copied elsewhere, primarily based on the technique of reverse cultural engineering, which is the unrecognized basis for legal systems around the world.

Motivation and Research Questions This work seeks to further our understanding on the management of innovations in network industries. Although the economics of network markets like telecommuni- tions, Internet, email, media, computer, and service operations in banking, legal and airline industries have become a major field of economic research; knowledge about how to manage innovation within these markets is less advanced et al. 2000: 793; 2003: 198). The goods and services of these industries regularly manifest themselves as complex system products, which are composed of multiple mutually dependent components and often supplied by different industries 1998: 691; TIDD 1995: 308). Innovation processes associated with complex systems products, therefore, display a systemic character and the issue of how to coordinate the diverse but nevertheless complementary inputs poses a major challenge for innovation management. The issue of how to organise complex innovation projects, however, is still open for debate: A broad range of organisational forms--e. g, vertical integration and TEECE (1996: 68), TEECE (1996: 205), and (2001: 227); decentralised networks--BRESNAHAN and (1999: 13-14); (1999: 162) and (1992: 310); proje- organisationsmHOBDAV (2000: 892) has not only been theoretically derived, but is reported as well in practical use.

With National Socialism's arrival in Germany in 1933, Jews dominated music more than virtually any other sector, making it the most important cultural front in the Nazi fight for German identity. This groundbreaking book looks at the Jewish composers and musicians banned by the Third Reich and the consequences for music throughout the rest of the twentieth century. Because Jewish musicians and composers were, by 1933, the principal conveyors of Germanys historic traditions and the ideals of German culture, the isolation, exile and persecution of Jewish musicians by the Nazis became an act of musical self-mutilation.Michael Haas looks at the actual contribution of Jewish composers in Germany and Austria before 1933, at their increasingly precarious position in Nazi Europe, their forced emigration before and during the war, their ambivalent relationships with their countries of refuge, such as Britain and the United States and their contributions within the radically changed post-war music environment.

This text examines why Singapore's democratic practices have declined as its prosperity has increased. It explores both sides, for and against Singapore's government, and suggests reasons for the situation.

Identifies and documents 269 specific war crimes under US and international law for which President Bush, senior officials and staff in his administration, and military officers under his command are liable to be prosecuted.

The first comprehensive statistical analysis of human rights attainments and improvements over time, this book seeks to answer the question, Why do some countries better observe human rights than others, and what can be done to advance the cause of human rights around the world?

This provocative analysis of U.S. relations with Cambodia from the 1950s to the present illuminates foreign policy issues that remain especially pertinent in the aftermath of the Cold War, as we attempt to formulate new approaches to a changed but still threatening international situation.

Challenging the conventional view of Vietnam as the aggressor, this volume vindicates Vietnam's role in the Cambodian conflict, while at the same time revealing the treachery of U.S. foreign policy toward Cambodia.