Bøger af Daniela Forero Nuñez

Between 2005 and 2008, the share of Latin American presidents from a right-wing party fell to 33%, compared to 64% in the early 1990s. By 2009, more than two-thirds of the countries in the region had a president from a left- or center-left party. Despite common sociopolitical and economic developments with its neighboring countries, Colombia elected a leftist president ¿ for the first time in its modern history ¿ only this year. The present paper examines the factors that might explain Colombiäs comparatively late political Left Turn.To this end, it explores the historic conditions that hindered the consolidation of a leftist political party or coalition with broad electoral support until the foundation of the Historic Pact for Colombia. Moreover, it draws attention to the recent social, political and economic developments that have fostered the expansion of this left-wing coalition yet considering that the efforts tocement a leftist political alternative date back to the last century.

Seminar paper from the year 2022 in the subject Politics - Region: Middle and South America, grade: 1,3, University of Frankfurt (Main) (Political Science), course: Demokratie und (Ent-)Demokratisierung in Lateinamerika, language: English, abstract: The present paper examines the factors that might explain Colombiäs comparatively late political Left Turn. To this end, it explores the historic conditions that hindered the consolidation of a leftist political party or coalition with broad electoral support until the foundation of the Historic Pact for Colombia. Moreover, it draws attention to the recent social, political and economic developments that have fostered the expansion of this left-wing coalition yet considering that the efforts to cement a leftist political alternative date back to the last century. Between 2005 and 2008, the share of Latin American presidents from a right-wing party fell to 33%, compared to 64% in the early 1990s. By 2009, more than two-thirds of the countries in the region had a president from a left- or center-left party. Despite common sociopolitical and economic developments with its neighboring countries, Colombia elected a leftist president ¿ for the first time in its modern history ¿ only this year.

Seminar paper from the year 2022 in the subject Politics - Topic: International relations, grade: 17/20, University of Liège (Political Science), course: South Asia in International Relations, language: English, abstract: The varieties and possible geostrategic considerations accompanying the Sino-African partnership are examined in more detail throughout the following paper. The main question guiding the analysis is, therefore: what is the role of geostrategic considerations in Chinäs foreign policy toward the African continent? By 2050, Africa will host one-quarter of the world¿s population. Its growing economic importance can be traced back to the fact that the largest reserves of cobalt, diamonds, platinum and uranium in the world are found in this continent (cf. UNEP 2022). Africa has furthermore the world¿s largest free trade area (AfCFTA) and thus an enormous potential for global economic growth. This has brought along an increasing engagement of China in the continent. The aspects of Chinese African relations range from pure economic transactions and massive infrastructure investment to language policy.

Seminar paper from the year 2020 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Eastern Europe, grade: 1,3, University of Regensburg (Institut für Politikwissenschaft), course: Grundkurs: Einführung in die Datenanalyse, language: English, abstract: This paper aims to answer the question: Why are there no significant cultural conflicts between Germany and the Czech Republic given their historical context? The relations of neighboring countries with each other are almost always more complicated compared to countries that do not share any borders. As such, the case at hand is of similar origin: the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Czech Republic. As they have been co-existing in the same region for ages, the two relatively new democracies have had complications in their relations in the past.Nevertheless, their policies have been peaceful and cooperationfriendly in the era after the Cold War. Therefore, the re-establishment of the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Czech Republic is short from reaching its thirty-year mark. Seeing that the latest era of stable relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Czech Republic was only realized in the last three decades, it is clear that the older generations may not share the same openmindedness as they have other recollections of the past in comparison to the younger generations. The generation that has witnessed the horrors of the Second World War and its aftermath is sure to have darker recollections than those born in their country after it was unified. This has been an issue that the cultural studies have been taking into consideration in the past decades, which has ultimately resulted in the concept called the culture of remembrance. This newly developing field has multiple subsections to define and describe the place of remembrance and memory in each culture. Therefore, culture of remembrance constitutes a significant part of the approach that will be used throughout this paper.

Seminar paper from the year 2019 in the subject Politics - Region: USA, grade: 2,7, University of Regensburg (Philosophische Fakultät Lehrstuhl für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft (Schwerpunkt Westeuropa)), course: Einführung in den Vergleich westlicher Regierungssysteme, language: English, abstract: This paper attempts to analyse what role the mass media played in the formation of public opinion and in the accentuation of the political polarization in the United States during the presidential campaign of 2016. The presidential elections of 2016 have definitely marked the beginning of a new political era in the United States.But most importantly, they serve as an example of the increasing impact of mass media in political communication and in the performance of basic democratic mechanisms, such as electoral campaigning. Both Hillary Clinton¿s and Donald Trump¿s electoral strategies reflect the rising influence of social media and other forms of traditional media in the shaping of public opinion.

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2018 im Fachbereich Gesch. Europa - Deutschland - I. Weltkrieg, Weimarer Republik, Note: 1,7, Universität Regensburg (Lehrstuhl für Neuere / Neueste Geschichte), Veranstaltung: Proseminar: Der Erste Weltkrieg 1914-1918, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: In der Arbeit geht es um die Darstellung der Gründe dafür, dass der deutsche militärische Erfolg während des Ersten Weltkrieges im Osten größer als im Westen war. In der Arbeit soll gezeigt werden, welche Faktoren den Kriegsverlauf und dessen Ausgang im Osten und Westen voneinander unterschieden und welche davon zum militärischen Erfolg führten. Zudem soll analysiert werden, inwieweit die Kriegsziele Deutschlands an beiden Fronten verwirklicht und wie effektiv die jeweiligen Strategien im Osten und Westen durchgeführt wurden.Diese Seminararbeit stützt sich vor allem auf die Aussagen Fritz Fischers, einer der wichtigsten Historiker des 20. Jahrhunderts, der sich hauptsächlich mit der Kriegszielpolitik Deutschlands 1914-1918 beschäftigte. Im ersten Teil werden die wichtigsten Kriegsziele und Strategien Deutschlands im Osten und Westen während des Ersten Weltkrieges vorgestellt. Darauf aufbauend wird im zweiten Teil der Kriegsverlauf erläutert. Im Folgenden wird weiter auf die Kriegsführung und die militärischen Erfolge im Westen und Osten eingegangen. Im Fokus des dritten Kapitels stehen die Friedensverhandlungen und das Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges im Westen und Osten. Zum Schluss werden die bedeutendsten Aspekte des Kriegsverlaufs zusammengefasst und die Bedeutung dieses Ereignisses für die europäische Geschichte hervorgehoben.

Seminar paper from the year 2020 in the subject Politics - Political Theory and the History of Ideas Journal, grade: 1,0, University of Regensburg (Lehrstuhl für Politische Philosophie und Ideengeschichte), course: Grundkurs: Einführung in die Politische Philosophie, language: English, abstract: This paper attempts to analyze the distinction of friend and enemy in the Colombian armed conflict, exploring the causes of its emergence, examining the most intense phases of enmity during the conflict and evaluating the possibilities of reconciliation.Colombian history has been heavily marked by a longstanding internal armed conflict of decades, accompanied by a remarkable political, and even moral discourse of the friend and the enemy. The distinct phases of the distinction between friend and enemy have reflected either a political tension between the involved actors, or a brutal confrontation that has led until the present time to a devastating outcome. However, the radicalization of the enmity, especially characteristic of the last decades, has attenuated with the enhanced desire of peacebuilding in the country. In this sense, the Peace Accords of 2016 can be considered as an important milestone towards peaceful coexistence and as a vital step in the reconsideration of the friendenemy distinction.In order to achieve a comprehensive understanding of the Colombian armed conflict from this theoretical framework, some of the most important aspects of its emergence, development and resolution will be analyzed in accord with core arguments of the Concept of The Political and the Theory of the Partisan of Carl Schmitt. On one side it is attempted to determine if the typical friend-enemy distinction of the German political theorist can be applied to the Colombian case. On the other hand, it should be analyzed on what extent the FARC, seen as the public enemy, reflect the partisan nature and personify the absolute enemy characterized by Schmitt. Likewise, it should be evaluated if the different phases of the friend-enemy distinction, directly connected to a degree of political tension and enmity, can also be found in the development of Colombian armed conflict throughout its prolonged history.

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2019 im Fachbereich Geschichte - Weltgeschichte - Frühgeschichte, Antike, Note: 1,3, Universität Regensburg (Lehrstuhl für Alte Geschichte), Veranstaltung: Proseminar: Geschichte und Eigenart der Sklaverei im antiken Athen und im Römischen Reich, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Diese Seminararbeit soll einen Überblick über die wichtigsten Einsatzformen der Sklaverei verschaffen und mithilfe von Primär- und Sekundärquellen der Frage nach der gesellschaftlichen Bedeutung und Rolle der Sklavinnen im typischen athenischen Haushalt sowie deren Beteiligungsgrad am sozialen und kulturellen Wesen im klassischen Athen nachgehen. Im ersten Teil wird die Darstellung der wichtigsten Aufgaben der Sklavinnen im Bereich der Haushaltsführung und der Textilverarbeitung vorgestellt. Darauf aufbauend werden im zweiten Teil die Bedeutung und Tätigkeiten der Ammen erläutert. Im Fokus des dritten Kapitels steht die Unterscheidung zwischen Prostituierten und Hetären sowie ihre jeweiligen Arbeitsbereiche und gewöhnlichen Arbeitskontexte. Zum Schluss werden die wichtigsten Aspekte zusammengefasst und die Rolle und Bedeutung der Sklavinnen im Haus und im Gesellschaftsleben im klassischen Athen hervorgehoben.Bei der Sklaverei handelte es sich um ein durchaus verbreitetes Phänomen, das in politischer, ökonomischer, und insbesondere in gesellschaftlicher Hinsicht zweifellos eine bedeutsame Rolle in der historischen Entwicklung der Polis Athen spielte. Die verschiedenen Einsatzformen bzw. Arbeitsbereiche der Sklaverei betrafen sowohl männliche, als auch weibliche Unfreie. Die unterschiedlichen Tätigkeitsfelder der Sklavinnen reichten von Aufgaben im Bereich der Haushaltsführung und Textilverarbeitung über die Betreuung und Pflege der Kinder bis hin zur Prostitution und Hetärentum.

Bachelor Thesis from the year 2021 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: 1,0, University of Regensburg (Professur für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft (Schwerpunkt Westeuropa)), language: English, abstract: Colombiäs long path towards peace was heavily marked by the signing of a peace agreement in 2016 that was supposed to officially put an end to the longest-running conflict in modern Latin America. Nevertheless, even after more than four years since that historic milestone, violence continues to plague the country, endangering the transition towards a real transformation. Although the conflict¿s origin is complex and multicausal, some of its root causes, such as socioeconomic inequality, limited political participation and the State¿s absence in several regions, remain unsettled. This internal conflict does not stop at the Colombian border and rather places itself within an international context, bringing several actors of the international community together. Specifically, the European Union (EU) appears as one additional player that seeks to support the building of sustainable peace in the country by helping to tackle some of the structural causes of the conflict. In parallel, it should contribute to the implementation of the peace accords ¿ which independently from its actual fulfillment ¿ rely on a broad reconciliation and consensus-seeking process of major symbolism.The European Trust Fund for Colombia (EUTF for Colombia) ¿ established in December 2016 ¿ embodies the EU¿s aim to contribute to sustainable development in the long run. This premise builds the essence of the EU Development Policy. The following thesis attempts to examine the EU peacebuilding strategy in Colombia in the aftermath of the conflict. The main question guiding the research is: To what extent has the EUTF for Colombia contributed to the building of a just and sustainable peace in the country during the post-conflict era?

Seminar paper from the year 2020 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Eastern Europe, grade: 2,0, University of Regensburg (Lehrstuhl für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft (Schwerpunkt Mittel- und Osteuropa)), course: Grundkurs: Einführung in die politischen Systeme Mittel- und Osteuropas, language: English, abstract: This paper attempts to analyze Belarus' authoritarian features and deficits in terms of civil society and democratic unfolding of basic liberties, basing on the core premises of the theory of authoritarian regimes and the concept of civil society.The 20th century was heavily marked by an immense ideological dispute between two opposing political and economic systems. The collapse of the Soviet Union brought an end to the Cold War and the profound confrontation between capitalism and communism throughout the globe. Nevertheless, the legacy of this wide system remains to some extent very influential in many of the nation-building processes of the post-Soviet countries. Despite the regional divergencies and the distinct sociopolitical developments, some continuities may derive from this common historical background. Belarus builds the focus of the study of this paper since it belongs to the nations, which have not successfully managed to bring forward a democratization process, failing to guarantee the core requirements for building a strong civil society. Moreover, the outcome of the 2020 presidential elections, which reinstated Lukaschenko for the 6th consecutive time in front of the Belarusian state, may corroborate the widespread thesis that characterizes Belarus as "Europe's last dictatorship". It is therefore attempted to explore which factors may have hindered the strengthening of civil society, bearing in mind that some of its current authoritarian features may have been inherited from the Soviet-era and remain deeply rooted in its political culture.The premises of authoritarian regimes according to Mäków, as well as Gellner's and Diamond's understanding of civil society, constitute the theoretical background for understanding the impact of authoritarian practices in limiting political pluralism and hindering the building of a strong civil society. On one side, it should be analyzed which concrete factors throughout Belarus' history - after the Collapse of the Soviet Union - serve as an explanatory approach for the current political deficits in matter of civil society and political pluralism. On the other hand, it should be examined how the requirements for building and developing a strong civil society according to western- democratic standards have evolved during the last years in the country of study.

Seminar paper from the year 2021 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Development Politics, grade: 1,3, University of Regensburg (Lehrstuhl für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft (Schwerpunkt Westeuropa)), course: Hauptseminar: Logik der Integration: Das politische System der Europäischen Union im Wandel, language: English, abstract: In light of the latest global developments, the search for all-embracing solutions based on multilateral cooperation, mutual trust and solidarity has underlined the need for global leadership, which the European Union (EU) is aiming to personify. After almost three decades since the signing of the Maastricht Treaty, the EU continues to play a major role in the international sphere and serves as a role model for strengthened cooperation beyond territorial borders. Nevertheless, the 21st century has been heavily marked by enormous challenges around the globe that do not stop at a national state¿s borderline. Recent crisis, no matter if of humanitarian, political, environmental or financial nature have widened the existing inequality gap between the Global North and South, exacerbated social upheaval and eroded the legitimacy of several governments worldwide, bringing the efficacy of international cooperation in question. The European Development Policy aims to foster sustainable development and stability in developing countries, with the ultimate goal of eradicating extreme poverty. The following paper attempts to examine the coherence of the EU Development Policy, analyzing to what extent has the EU accomplished to translate its broad framework of principles, objectives and instruments into action.

Seminar paper from the year 2019 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: USA, grade: 1,3, University of Regensburg (Lehrstuhl für Internationale Politik), course: Grundkurs: Einführung in die Internationale Politik, language: English, abstract: This paper attempts to analyze which factors played a significant role in the resumption of the diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba during Obama's administration (2009-2017). The diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba have been deeply shaped by several political and especially ideological tensions since the 20th century. The US foreign policy to-wards Cuba in the last decades has been characterized by hard-power measures such as sanctions and restrictions. However, a milestone in the history of the continent has been placed by Obama's government, which achieved a historical rapprochement with the Cuban government of Castro. Both US and Cuba don't know the ultimate outcome of the normalization process that started during the Obama's administration; nevertheless, they expect to move even more toward a friendly relationship despite the changes in the Cuba-foreign policy in the current times. In order to determine which aspects were crucial for the attainment of this historical event, the most important arguments from the commercial liberalism and the constructivist theory should be examined. On one side it should be analyzed whether some of the structural changes and economic developments brought with the end of the Fidel Castro era had a significant impact on the shift in the U.S foreign policy toward Cuba and favored the resumption of the diplomatic relations with Cuba. On the other hand, it should be discussed which disparities and similarities in the national identities, and values of both countries, which root in very diverse historical events; may have contributed to a political rapprochement.

Colombia's long path towards peace was marked by the signing of a peace agreement in 2016 that was supposed to officially put an end to the longest-running conflict in modern Latin America. Even after more than four years, violence continues to plague the country. Although the conflict's origin is complex and multicausal, some of its root causes, such as socioeconomic inequality, limited political participation and the state's absence in several regions, remain unsettled. Since the effects of this conflict's prolongation go far beyond Colombian national borders, the international community has been morally obliged to cooperate with the national government to support the building of sustainable peace in the country by helping to tackle some of the structural causes of the conflict. Specifically, The European Trust Fund for Colombia (EUTF for Colombia) - established in December 2016 - embodies the EU's aim to contribute to sustainable development in the long run. The following study attempts to examine the EU peacebuilding strategy in Colombia in the aftermath of the conflict.