Bøger i Regionalisme & Federalisme/Regionalism & Federalism serien

Scotland is a country of strong progressive traditions and could be a model for a renewed social democracy. Devolution has given it a chance to show what a small self-governing nation, within a wider British and European Union, can do. Yet the authors of this volume are disappointed by the lack of policy innovation since 1999. In an effort to relaunch the debate, they offer a range of ideas for new thinking and new policies for Scotland of the twenty-first century. Whether independent or devolved, Scotland faces the same challenge: how to harness the energies of the nation and to combine economic competitiveness with social cohesion.

Central and eastern European countries are undergoing internal transformations, to liberal democracy and the market economy. At the same time, they must meet the criteria for European integration. This book examines the territorial dimension of these challenges. Central and eastern Europe has its own distinct histories of territorial politics and state structures, which continue to influence the present. Like their western neighbours the countries of the region must confront a world in which politics and policy making are changing in scale, with the emergence of new local and intermediate levels. The market economy and free trade can lead to increasing economic disparities. National and ethnic minorities create a demand for local and regional devolution. The European Commission and other external agents have posed requirements for new administrative structures to manage European funding. All this creates a complex set of pressures to which the transition countries must respond. This book, by an international group of scholars, examines these challenges from a diversity of angles, historical, economic, political and institutional.

The theory of comparative federalism asserts that federations require a second chamber for the representation of regional interests in central law-making. Yet there has been little systematic analysis of the contribution of second chambers in parliamentary federations to this task. The main purpose of this book is to demonstrate to what extent the two strongest parliamentary second chambers, the Australian Senate and the German Bundesrat are linked to the federal structures in which they are embedded. The study analyzes the contribution of the members of these second chambers in advancing interests that are linked to the regional constituents whom they represent or to the collective fiscal or administrative interests of a regional government with whom they are associated. The analysis underscores the largely ¿executive¿ character of intergovernmental relations in parliamentary federations, a feature that corresponds with the composition of the German Bundesrat, but not of the Australian Senate. In the concluding chapter some preliminary observations are made as to whether our findings also generate interesting insights for the larger group of parliamentary second chambers in federal or quasi-federal states, such as the Belgian, Spanish and Canadian Senates, the UK House of Lords and the Indian Raiya Sabha.

Policymakers saw European Community membership as a way for Spain to secure democracy and promote economic development throughout the country. Nevertheless, regional economic disparities still persist in Spain almost twenty years after it entered the Community, despite significant European allocation of funds to remedy underdevelopment. How did the policies of the European Union impact Spain? What lessons can new EU members learn from Spain¿s experience within the European Union? Using rich empirical evidence and an innovative comparative analysis, this book examines the regional experiences of Galicia and the Valencian Community in Spain. The political dynamics and persistence of clientelism, which affect policymaking and policy implementation within each region, are particularly considered. These cases provide new insight to explain why regional economic differences persist in Spain despite efforts to alleviate them. Historically grounded and detailed, this study analyzes the process of accession and the ignored long-term ramifications of accession negotiations and treaties, it focuses on the often-overlooked contradiction between European regulations and regional development policies, and questions whether EU membership has been as beneficial as policymakers thought it would be.

The book analyses the transnational Alpine region where historical, social, and geo-economic specificities have led to a distinctive type of democracy and identity. Differentialist identities, multi-level consociational accommodation, and corporatist intermediation are typical features of this region¿s «consensual politics», and the process of European integration adds further to this complexity. These forms of consensual politics are challenged today by large and persistent populist parties that express strong anti-elitist sentiments, local identities, and Euro-sceptic attitudes. The book examines the defensive reaction of populist parties to the perceived threats of open borders (multi-culturalism and cheap labour) and elite negotiations (at all levels of governance). Protest attitudes translate into alternative views of European integration favouring proposals for an anti-assimilationist and labour protective «Fortress», as well as a religiously-based «Europe of the People». The book considers the possibility of a potential cleavage in the incipient European party system through alliances of «losers of integration» cutting across the left-right alignment and overlapping with ethno-linguistic, centre-periphery, religious, and rural-urban factors that survived in the Alpine region more than elsewhere. An empirical analysis by a group of international experts focuses on the Alpine areas of Austria, France, Germany, Italy, Slovenia, and Switzerland in which parties like FPÖ, CSU, Lega Nord, and Schweizerische Volkspartei have recently become crucial actors.

Why are some regional development strategies adopted and others rejected? Only limited systematic attention has been paid to the politics of regional policy, including the role of institutions, discourse, and political debate in shaping this major area of public policy. The book develops an institutionalist approach to the study of regional policy, capable of spanning major European development paradigms and accounting for the dynamic relationship between organisations, policies and political discourse. This conceptual framework is then applied to the Scottish Development Agency, a development body famed across Europe for its innovative policies but surrounded by political controversy in Scotland. A detailed study of corporate strategies, policy implementation, and the wider British environment questions existing interpretations of the organisation which tend to vilify anti-interventionist Thatcherites or glorify shrewd development professionals. Instead the author proposes an alternative synthesis which highlights the interplay between institutions, discourse and regional development in the politics of regional policy.

The impact of recent shifts in global geopolitics and economic markets has led to the re-conceptualization of national borders. Scholars have shifted their analysis away from the narrow idea of «borders», and moved their attention towards the wider view of «borderlands», «border regions», and «border zones», thus, leading to the conceptual re-definition of border politics. These recent approaches have identified border areas as socially constructed territories that demonstrate many of the characteristics of independent polities. Border communities seem to have come to life, creating a degree of autonomy and separation from central state actors. While the rich literature in border studies identifies important changes in local political and economic systems, it does not necessarily identify the mechanisms that create these changes: Why has integration occurred in some border regions while others are being reinforced? Why has integration failed in some cases where opportunity structures are positive, while it has succeeded in others saddled with more limited constraints? The essays in this volume address such fundamental questions.

The process of devolution in the United Kingdom (UK) established new institutions at the sub-state level with a range of legislative and executive competencies. Yet many of these devolved powers also have a European Union (EU) dimension, whilst EU policy remains a formally reserved power of the UK central government. This book explores how this multi-level relationship has been managed in practice, examining the participation of the devolved Scottish and Welsh institutions in the domestic process of formulating the UK¿s EU policy positions during their first four-year term. It also places their experiences in a broader comparative framework by drawing upon the experiences of multi-level governance in practice in other Member States of the EU.

Plus dynamique que jamais, le régionalisme en Bretagne invite à interroger les analyses actuelles sur la recomposition ascendante des territoires en Europe. Les mobilisations régionales contribuent en effet à institutionnaliser un ordre territorial propre face au retrait de l¿État et à l¿internationalisation des marchés. Pourtant, leurs formes spécifiques sont mal expliquées par les modèles d¿interprétation du néo-régionalisme ou du néo-localisme. Pour évaluer en rigueur cette recomposition, cet ouvrage privilégie une analyse longitudinale des mécanismes d¿institutionnalisation dans trois secteurs du territoire régional : la culture, la politique et l¿économie. Il s¿attache à nuancer l¿homogénéité apparente du « régionalisme » au profit de la diversité des trajectoires de chaque type de mobilisation régionaliste. Parallèlement, cet ouvrage solide envisage leur combinaison synchronique selon un cadre d¿analyse propre, qui fonde la construction d¿un ordre territorial sur une forte capacité de mobilisation en présence d¿un État englobant puissant.