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This study offers an assessment of the Indian Intervention in East Pakistan in 1971 by locating it within the framework of Just War Theory. The Just War Theory has evolved two streams of thought in judging the use of force. These are the jus ad bellum (recourse to war) and the jus in bello (conduct in war). The jus ad bellum has six principles. They include: just cause, competent authority, right intention, force must be the last resort, proportionality of ends and probability of success. Jus in bello has two principles; namely, proportionality of means, and discrimination and non-combatant immunity. The study makes the argument that the Indian intervention in East Pakistan qualifies as one of the fit cases of humanitarian intervention when judged through the criteria of Just War Theory as it resulted in a positive humanitarian outcome for the East Pakistanis. India's argument was that its use of force was in conformity with the humanitarian purposes of the UN Charter. The intervention not only ended the West Pakistan military operation in the East, but also restored the political rights of the Bengalis. The intervention also enabled the ten million or so Bengali refugees, who had fled from East Pakistan to India, to return home. India's decision to intervene in East Pakistan certainly had mixed motives - it was informed by humanitarianism and was also strongly influenced by its national interests. In the end, the intervention was vindicated as the end result was a positive humanitarian outcome for the East Pakistanis. The study offers detailed discussion on the events that led to the intervention as well as undertakes an in-depth analysis of the intervention from the perspective of Just War. It provides thoughtful analysis on the recourse and conduct of India's intervention in East Pakistan with critical lessons for humanitarian interventions in general especially on significant normative criteria like right intention, probability of success, force as last resort, proportionality of means and ends, and non-combatant immunity.

The Pakistan Army has always occupied a dominant position in Pakistan. It has been customary to refer to the '3 As' governing power equations in Pakistan - "Allah, America & Army," of which certainly the Army has proved most omnipotent. This monograph traces the historical influences which shaped the Army's functioning. It delineates how the Army is adapting its doctrinal moorings to new priorities, both in respect of its arch-enemy - India and newly emerging domestic terrorism threats. A critical view is taken of how the Army has tried to balance peace negotiations with selected 'Good Taliban' in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas with use of newly learnt military tactics of counter-terror operations. It studies ethnic factors which influenced initial recruitment, imparting a predominantly Punjabi character and more recent efforts to change the Army's ethnic profile. It also examines the impact of Islamic conservative ideas as the Army grappled with the war against terror after 9/11. An effort has been made to examine mistakes made in domestic and foreign policies while the Army remained at the helm, the ISI's evolution to its dominant position seen through the Afghanistan prism, the setback to the Army's image after Osama bin Laden's killing by American special forces in Abbottabad in May 2011, which cumulatively dimmed its lustre in the perceptions of people in Pakistan. The monograph also looks at compulsions of the civil-military relationship even as Pakistan seems poised for the next phase of a democratic political makeover, which if allowed to happen smoothly, may well herald a process of gradually sending the Army back into the barracks. Even if this happens, the Army is unlikely to easily relinquish control over key areas of geo-strategic policy-making extending to India, Afghanistan and the nuclear policy. It may not, however, be averse to let the civilian political transition proceed as long as it is allowed to have a controlling veto over these issues from behind the scene.

For the last few decades, cruise missiles have been increasingly used and are in the process of unabated spread. While the major powers have used this Big Stick conveniently in increasing numbers, the developing countries and in them the poor man's arsenal. But why and how they have evolved, and what its likely implications, are not seriously been debated. is study, therefore, is an endeavour to define various contours of cruise missiles and their evolution which now seem moving towards a matured stage. It identifies the trend and nuances of cruise missile spread by enquiring the utility, motive and future of them in different strategic scenarios. While visualising cruise missiles as the weapons of the future, the book suggests for a joint approach of cruise missile control and defence to contain their spread and to manage the threat.

The core theme of this study is analysis of the revamped institutional mechanism and the recent initiatives that are in the process of being implemented in the context of managing disasters in India. While discussing some of the major concerns relating to institutional mechanisms for managing disasters, the book provides inputs and recommends suitable measures to improve the overall framework. Recommendations are towards making the institutional mechanism, comprising the government and non-government organisations, community and as well as individuals, more responsive through a participative, collaborative and professional approach to managing disasters. The book suggests a willing, collective, participatory, professional and collaborative approach integrating individuals, communities, organisations at local, district, state, national, regional and international levels for a relatively disaster free environs. It advocates a comprehensive framework incorporating the political, social, economic, scientific and technological fields, well integrated with the development process of the country, supported by the techno-legal/statutory provisions and strict enforcement strategies. Author's distinguished military background and rich experience in managing organisational behavior as well as in handling aspects of organisational effectiveness and development have helped in succinct analysis of various issues of the subject. The book is an immense resource for research scholars, teachers, Service personnel, media people, policy makers, activists, students, and governmental and non-governmental organisations on disaster management.

Experts have repeatedly affirmed that the military debacle of 1962 is directly attributable to the failure of the Higher Defence Management. If the Indian leadership of 1947 had the resolve to establish the Higher Defence Organisation (HDO) through a Cabinet resolution within weeks of gaining independence, what went wrong in the first fifteen years? The Kargil episode was another sad reminder of the state of affairs, as brought out by the Kargil Review Committee and the Group of Ministers' (GoM's) report on Reforming the National Security System. This book dwells in detail on various reforms undertaken since Kargil and surveys the shortcomings that continue to plague defence decision-making in India. Almost a decade after the submission of the GoM's report, the book is an aide memoire of the fact that the time has arrived to take a fresh look at higher defence and analyse where we stand now. Exploring the past and discovering the genesis of Indian Defence Management since the Vedic Age, the book covers a large ground in analysing the role of HDO during the inter-state conflicts since independence, issues in defence planning, post-Kargil reforms, functioning of the Chiefs of Staffs Committee, the CDS impasse and the functioning of the National Security Mechanism. Besides being a rich source of information to students of history, politics and military science, the book will be of immense value to policy-makers, defence personnel and even the general public whose stability and prosperity are indirectly impinged upon a strong military driven by a robust HDO.

With the shift of global power from West to East, we have entered the era of an Asia-centred century. The rise of China and India, the recovery and resurgence of Russia on one side and Japan on the other, and the nature of the international order are leading to enormous changes. Changes in the military, economic and political dynamics of Asia are accelerating. Historically, changes in the international order and equations of power among nations have been almost inevitably accompanied by conflicts and wars. The challenge ahead of the international community in general and Asian countries in particular would be how to ensure that this is avoided, and competition, so necessary to shaping the future, is managed below the levels of armed conflict. This is crucial for most countries like India so that their comprehensive national development can progress without adverse developments. In order to work toward such goals, it is necessary to look at security and military-related issues as objectively as possible. This volume, a resource base for the professional and the general reader, is the fourth in the series of the annual publication of the Centre for Air Power Studies under this title, which aims to fill a critical information and knowledge gap in current strategic literature dealing with military strategy, defence politics and trends in military capabilities that impact countries in Asia. In particular, it covers some of the important areas that affect Asian countries and the developments in Asian countries, with a focus on China, India and Pakistan, to provide the requisite regional balance.

The Af-Pak region is perceived as the base of global and regional terrorism, with the presence of international terrorist groups such as the Al Qaeda, Taliban, Lashkar-e-Taiyyaba, Jaish-e- Mohammad and other UN proscribed non-state actors as Jamaat-ud Dawa. Hence, stability in the Af-Pak region is of vital interest to India. A stable Afghanistan also relates to India's immediate foreign policy goals of a peaceful periphery, good relations with neighbours, transformation of relations with the major powers and working with the international community to see a rapid recovery of the world economy. In the past, growing hostility between India and Pakistan placed Afghanistan in the centre of confrontation in a wider dyad of mutual hostility. However, now there is greater acceptability by the international community for a role for India in Afghanistan. As a major stakeholder in regional stability, India's engagement will remain crucial. India's growing economic footprint provides it enough leverage to support Kabul in many ways, while the potential for aid and development remains largely untapped. This book is a collection of essays on the situation in Afghanistan from the Indian perspective by a task force of well-qualified experts assembled by the Centre for Land Warfare Studies. The authors' views reflect India's interests and priorities, which often differ from the Western perspective. The panorama covers the situation in Afghanistan today, foreign interventions and state building, the emerging strategic environment, US' Af- Pak strategy, alternative futures, the Pakistani factor in Afghanistan's stability, and India's role in nation-building. This work will be a valuable contribution to understanding the extremely complex situation in Afghanistan, from which India cannot disengage itself.

Aviation came to India quite early, in fact a century ago, and an aircraft factory, Hindustan Aircraft Ltd., had been set up 70 years ago in Bangalore. But India, from its 25 percent share of global manufacturing in 1750, had been deindustrialised in the previous two centuries and its technological and economic capacity had been emasculated by the Raj. Hence, it had no industry, leave alone defence industry, to talk of at the time of independence. But by 1948, the first Indian design of a primary trainer, the HT-2, was started and soon, the licensed production of the first jet fighter, the Vampire, commenced at HAL. During the 15 years before the Sino-Indian War in 1962, HAL moved ahead rapidly, designing a number of light aircraft. It began the design of the jet trainer Kiran, and manufactured the famous Gnat fighter which acquired the reputation of "Sabre Killer" in the 1965 War with Pakistan. Above all, it started an ambitious project in 1956 to manufacture a multi-role combat aircraft, the HF-24 Marut, which turned out to be an outstanding design. Notwithstanding our inability to get an adequately powerful engine for it, three squadrons equipped with the aircraft served the country well in the 1971 War on the Western front. During the Nehru era, the aircraft industry rested on three strands of self-reliance: indigenous design and development, licensed manufacture, and outright import in some cases. Unfortunately, after the 1962 War, the need for expansion of the IAF led to enormous demands of modern aircraft of all types, and the country's defence needs were mostly met by licensed production of hundreds of fighter and transport aircraft and helicopters. We seemed to have become complacent (or incapable of professional thinking). In the process, the self-reliance model of three strands shrank to just two strands, with indigenous design and development, which is the most crucial element in creating autonomy in aircraft and other industrial enterprises, suffering a serious setback amounting to neglect for more than three decades. This has been changing during the past decade and new opportunities are opening up with a sustained high economic growth on one side and opening up of new sources of technology and arms on the other. But major institutional and structural reforms would be required to take advantage of the new opportunities. This volume by the country's leading defence expert, points out to the nature of these reforms after examining the Russian and Chinese experiences. This book is a must for military and industry professionals, students of defence, those interested in aviation and the general reader.

This book deals with the contemporary and controversial topic of Environmental Change and National Security. Security encompasses various elements of human security that are going to be affected by the vagaries of environmental change, brought about by the relentless unsustainable development path undertaken by the modern society. The question is no longer about what the interrelations between climate change and security are, but about when they would be acknowledged by the policy-makers, rising above a narrow mindset that sees it as militarisation of the debate, rather than a human security issue. The book takes a prismatic view of the environmental change debate as observed by the military. It has to be well understood that the environmental change negotiations have the economic barometer guiding the sluice of national positions. Since without an international agreement on mitigation the climatic situation and thereby the security environment is likely to worsen, it is paramount for the military organisation to be proactive in considering this additional variable in their operational paradigm. Considering this reality, this book has, for the first time, attempted to draw a template of adaptation measures that the military organisations would need to undertake in view of not only the issues of global warming and ozone layer depletion but also due tohe regulatory regimes that have arisen as a consequence of the Kyoto and Montreal Protocols. To give a holistic picture of the economics involved, the emerging areas of 'green industry' and the great debacle of Copenhagen have been covered in detail. It has to be appreciated by the reader that management of the environment, as any other social and security issue, requires good governance; more so as the scale of its adverse impact has no parallel. In India, environmental governance is in its incipient state and already fears are being expressed that it should not degenerate into 'licence raaj'. is issue has, thus, been analysed to observe the path that we as a nation are embarking upon when dealing with the environmental change saga.

The nation's general environment comprises men and women with high intellect and the wisdom to evaluate the change that is continuously taking place at a frenetic pace. The nation and the armed forces also need to act accordingly, keeping the national interests uppermost. This book commences with a canvas indicating the present combat environment and the changes that are expected to occur, in which Army Aviation will be expected to function. Subsequent chapters unfold the link Army Aviation will be providing to the management of conflict and combat challenges in the process of crafting solutions for war-time situations. This has already been preceded by an environment in which the soldiers in the sky are preparing to fight the next battle. History and present developments have indicated that there would be an intermix of combat situations wherein there is no war but there is no peace either. There will also be a blurring of lines which transcends the generations in warfare and the means used. The unprecedented range of missions will dictate the expanding and modified roles and responsibilities of aviation, ranging from kinetic delivery to non-kinetic applications of air power. The Army fulfills this responsibility even when constrained in resources. In a shapeless and seemingly troubled future in dealing with modern warfare, this book urges the reader to give thought to the issues dealt with, and beyond.

One of the many neglected chapters in the Indian military history is the role played by the Indian Air Force (IAF) in the Sino-Indian War of 1962. The only document on the subject is a 25-page chapter in the unpublished Official History, which fails to do justice to the vital and remarkable role played by the IAF in some of the most hostile operating conditions found anywhere in the world. This work attempts to fill this vital gap. The Indian Air Force had been involved in the build-up in Ladakh and NEFA right from the time the first of many posts was set up in 1950. Thereafter, it was its responsibility to support and sustain the posts set up in both the sectors as well as various patrols that were sent forward to show the Indian flag. The IAF was also involved in the Army's build-up. This was one continuous operation for the IAF, day in day out - the only break that the aircrew could get was due to bad weather. The main test for the IAF came when the Indians and Chinese came face-to-face at Thagla ridge and the Chinese invasion commenced soon thereafter. The demand for airlift suddenly increased manifold with an urgency associated with forces that have been caught unprepared. The IAF met the challenge, the ground crews working round the clock and the aircrews flying in conditions that are difficult to imagine. There is no other instance in aviation history wherein any air force has been able to increase its effort almost ten times - the IAF's resources were already stretched even before September 1962. Each and every demand of the Army was met without a murmur and not a single adversity could be attributed to the inability of the IAF to deliver. What is not surprising is that the credit that is due to it for its efforts has eluded it so far because no attention has been paid to the role played by the IAF in this war. The story would have been altogether different if the combat elements of the IAF had been utilised - the reasons for the same still remain shrouded in mystery. Another chapter in the IAF's history about which very little is known is its efforts to modernise post 1962. This work attempts to unravel these mysteries as well as describes the valiant efforts of the air warriors of the IAF.

Man has reached the final frontier and breached it too. Historically, the advent into outer space was a spin-off of military adventurism, yet it has laid bare myriad opportunities for scientific exploration, peaceful uses and excavation of natural resources. Each aspect offers great potential for the benefit of mankind and improvement in the quality of life. Till lately, most of the space activities were carried out within the public domain by military personnel. This trend has abated and private enterprise has entered the arena in a big way in telecommunications, broadcasting, remote-sensing and space travel. Many other fields, like gravity-free manufacturing, production of vaccines in a sterile environment, super-conductors in extreme cold ambience, and space hospitality are waiting in the wings to be exploited. The possibilities seem endless. The corpus of Space Law, so far, in the form of Conventions, Treaties and Agreements has come about more out of necessity and urgency consequent to the circumstances or to remedy contingent situations. It has not evolved systematically with experience or over relatively long periods of time. For example, the Outer Space Treaty, however laudable, is a medley of compromises, with advertent loopholes. The Moon Treaty has found little acceptance and fewer ratifications. The Rescue Agreement was an exigent measure. The UN guidelines on remote-sensing and prevention of debris are not mandatory. Commercialisation of outer space by private corporations has already begun and is galloping. But the existing law hardly provides an impetus to this trend - in fact, it is obstructive. Space Law has lagged behind technology and needs to keep in step to regulate activities in outer space for peace and commerce. This book addresses some of these problems and issues viz. Space Law, commercial aspects, military issues of weaponisation and defence strategies, and other space applications. Each chapter aims to highlight some lacunae and shortcomings while, at the same time, offering some viable suggestions. The book is, thus, thought-provoking and timely.

China has undergone a protracted stint in the nuclear domain from the time when Mao Zedong derided the bomb as a "paper tiger" in 1946, to the development of modern nuclear weapons and missiles, making it only obligatory to chronicle the policy changes within China that steered the leadership towards grasping that nuclear weapons will fundamentally redefine China's quest for security. The Chinese leadership's nationalistic ideology and concepts of force and diplomacy shaped its perceptions of the enduring dangers that confronted China. Initially, Beijing's political corridors dismissed the dangers of a nuclear war while reaffirming the principles of a "people's war", however, later, witnessed Mao recasting the struggle into one with a military-technical emphasis that relied on assured nuclear retaliation to ensure effective deterrence. With China seeing a massive amount of political guanxi being expended, it comprehended that nuclear weapons shall play a fundamental role in its long-term aspirations to augment its position and role in global politics. Given that nuclear arsenals are increasingly viewed as a critical assurance of military supremacy and security, this book distils the evolving trends in China's nuclear doctrine and strategy, and chronicles the journey of a nuclear China, assessing all pertaining facets, including a detailed analysis of the delivery vectors that focus on a high degree of mobility of assets, particularly the missiles and warheads, separately as well as complete weapon systems. During the 1960s, Beijing proceeded with its nuclear weapons programme mindful that it was vulnerable to decapitation, and this book's narrative underscores that China seeks to improve the survivability and mobility of its existing strategic nuclear forces through a robust nuclear modernisation campaign, including nuclear weapon miniaturisation technology. This, subsequently, leads onto a pressing debate on whether China would aspire to modify, qualitatively and quantitatively, its nuclear posture without necessarily deposing its brand of nuclear minimalism, which has been the core of its nuclear strategy, at least for public consumption.

Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNWs), often referred to as "battlefield", "sub-strategic", or "non-strategic" nuclear weapons, usually have a plutonium core and are typically distinct from strategic nuclear weapons. Therefore, they warrant a separate consideration in the realm of nuclear security. The yield of such weapons is generally lower than that of strategic nuclear weapons and may range from the relatively low 0.1 kiloton to a few kilotons. Pakistan's quest to acquire tactical nuclear weapons has added a dangerous dimension to the already precarious strategic equation in South Asia. The security discourse in the subcontinent revolves around the perennial apprehension of a conventional or sub-conventional conflict triggering a chain reaction, eventually paving the way for a potential nuclear crisis haunting peace and stability in the region. Pakistan believes that the successful testing of the 60-km nuclear-capable short-range missile Hatf-9 (Nasr) "adds deterrence value to Pakistan's strategic weapons development programme at shorter ranges." In paradox, the fact remains that this step has further lowered Pakistan's nuclear threshold through the likely use of TNWs. The introduction of TNWs into the tactical battle area further exacerbates credibility of their control. Pakistan has not formally declared a nuclear doctrine, but it is well known that nuclear weapons are its first line of defence. The use of TNWs in the India-Pakistan case will alter the strategic scenario completely as Pakistan would threaten India with the use of TNWs in the event of New Delhi responding against Islamabad with a conventional strike in reaction to a 26/11-style terrorist attack. Pakistan forgets that given its offensive strategic posture and continuing involvement in terror strikes in India, it is New Delhi which is confronted with the problem of developing a strategy to counter Pakistan's "first-strike" and proxy war in the light of its declared "no-first-use" policy. This edited volume attempts to address and decipher complex issues, including aspects such as China's WMD collaboration with Pakistan, nuclear command and control dynamics within Pakistan, overall rationale and implications of TNWs, safety and security of nuclear weapons, scenarios for nuclear usage, India's potential response options and, more specifically, the technical aspects of the Nasr delivery system.

This book seeks to afford an objective, incisive insight into China. Written by a veteran Indian analyst with over 25 years of experience monitoring developments relating to contemporary China, it is an attempt to inform and promote understanding of China's policies and actions and, especially, the implications for India. The 32 essays that comprise the book present a comprehensive tour de horizon of present -day China ranging across a variety of subjects. Each of the aspects touched upon have direct relevance for the international community and particularly for India and the Asia- Pacific region. The first section deals exclusively with China's currently evolving internal political situation. The outline sketches of China's two top leaders suggest their personalities influence Beijing's policies and that China's domestic and foreign policies will undoubtedly bear their imprimatur. Other articles examine the equally important and rapidly evolving political scenario in China, especially concerning the selection of cadres to the Chinese Communist Party's highest echelons. The absence of veteran leaders of pre--eminence and unquestioned authority has accentuated competition within the Chinese Communist Party and indicators of potential discord, like the political upheaval involving ex--Politburo member Bo Xilai, have been identified. The book notes the attempt by China's leadership to rearrange national economic developmental priorities to remain competitive in a changing international environment. Two articles assess the implications of China's maritime ambitions and Cyber strategy, both of which are centerpieces of China's military strategy. Other articles discuss in detail the India-China relationship, China's relations with some of India's neighbours, and Sino--US relations. A subject usually less focused upon though of vital strategic importance to India, namely China's strategy regarding Tibetan Buddhists and the Dalai Lama, is scrutinized in the book's concluding section. This includes the developmental activity in Tibet and plans to divert the waters of the Brahmaputra, both of which have a serious potential to impact on India. For the facility of easy reading, this book contains no citations or references.

The book relates to understanding the growing importance of aerospace power in modern warfare, including integration of air and space which has truly become the new theatre of war. The unifying space dimension will remain the single most important source for information and communication which can be used in multiple forms. It is an attempt to focus on China's evolving military strategy with emphasis on the aerospace dimension and its implications in the region, specifically in the Indian context. Initially, the book attempts to analyse the strategic importance of the rising economic, political and military stature of China with a view to understand its regional and global implications in the military domain. China, in recent times, has time and again demonstrated its resolve to defend its security interests at all costs. For over three decades, China has been modernising its strategic and nuclear capabilities besides developing new and complex military platforms that would be of great value to joint operations warfare. The current decade through 2020 will prove critical to the People's Liberation Army (PLA) as it attempts to integrate many new and complex platforms, and to adopt modern operational concepts, including network--centric warfare. Besides undertaking a comprehensive modernisation of its armed forces, China is developing a series of offensive space capabilities while advocating the peaceful use of outer space. In the later part, the book highlights the transformation of China's aerospace power. The PLA Air Force (PLAAF) appears to be well on its way to becoming a modern, highly capable air force for the 21st century. China's latest combat aircraft, the J--20, highlights China's ambition to produce a fighter aircraft that incorporates stealth attributes, advanced avionics, and super--cruise capable engines over the next several years. China's aviation industry is developing several types of Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircraft. PLAAF exercises have demonstrated that its role has changed from support to ground forces to being able to conduct operations independently. It is actively trying to imbibe better training programmes and has increased joint training with other air forces in the recent years. Induction of the aircraft carrier Liaoning in September 2012 highlights China's growing maritime interests and power projection capabilities. The book will be of immense value both for the readers of the countries in the immediate neighbourhood of China and the strategic community in general since the rise of China and other major Asian players, including India, will shape the strategic international environment in the coming decades of this century.

This book, containing essays on themes relating to India's relations with Iran and Israel, deals with issues that have been intensely debated in the country for some time now. India's robust ties with both Iran and Israel - bitter adversaries for more than three decades - have intrigued West Asia watchers. The essays herein highlight the parallel nature of India's engagements with the two countries and attempt to understand the critical concept of strategic autonomy that defines India's foreign policy postures on contentious issues. The first five essays touch on the central drivers of India's Iran policy and discuss the limits on New Delhi's relations with the Islamic Republic. The last three essays dealing with Israel highlight the significance of India's intervention on questions relating to Israel as well as Israel's inspirational connection with India. With its unique treatment, lucid analysis and unusual organisation, this factually informed and policy oriented collection of essays on India, Iran and Israel will be an extremely useful resource for scholars, students, policymakers and diplomats alike. It will also interest business community involved with the West Asian region as well as any intelligent layperson looking for facts and figures on subjects discussed in the book.