Bøger af Francois Guizot

" ...Deux grands faits, l'un au XVIIIe siècle, l'autre de nos jours, ont profondément modifié, je devrais dire qu'ils ont détruit cette ancienne organisation des peuples allemands. Au XVIIIe siècle, par le génie politique et militaire d'un grand roi, Frédéric II, l'un des états confédérés, la Prusse, a grandi en étendue extérieure et en force intérieure au point de pouvoir disputer et de disputer en effet la prépondérance, dans la confédération allemande, à l'Autriche, qui la possédait depuis plusieurs siècles. La révolution française et Napoléon, par leurs idées et leurs guerres, ont suspendu cette rivalité des deux principales puissances allemandes, et abaissé tour à tour la Prusse et l'Autriche, la première encore plus que la seconde. Poussées à bout l'une et l'autre, elles se sont relevées ensemble dans le soulèvement général des populations allemandes pour s'affranchir du joug de Napoléon et dans la grande lutte qui a déterminé sa chute. La confédération germanique s'est relevée aussi alors, avec bien des mutilations et une organisation nouvelle, et au sein de la confédération la rivalité de la Prusse et de l'Autriche a reparu, mais atténuée et contenue par l'effet prolongé de leur récente alliance guerrière, par les sentiments personnels des princes, par leur crainte commune des révolutions et par l'aversion des populations allemandes contre toute influence de l'étranger, surtout de la France..."

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" De grands périls nous assiègent; des périls plus grands nous menacent. Il en est un dont tous les esprits sont frappés, mais dont nul peut-être n'a encore mesuré toute l'étendue; je veux parler de la justice près de tomber sous le joug de la politique. Je ne saisirai point cette triste occasion pour redire ce que je puis penser du système de gouvernement qui convient à la France. Il s'agit de droits et d'intérêts qui sont au-dessus de toutes les opinions, que tout système est également tenu de garantir. Je ne sache aucun parti, aucun pouvoir qui ait osé s'arroger, en principe, le moindre droit sur le sang innocent. On l'a souvent versé à flots, mais toujours en le traitant de coupable. Ceci est donc une question libre, une question purement morale, où nulle autre considération ne saurait être admise, sans le plus révoltant outrage à tout ce qu'il y a de saint. Je prie donc ceux qui pourront me lire d'oublier, comme je le ferai moi-même, tout engagement de situation ou de parti. Pour que la justice soit, il faut qu'elle soit pure; elle ne supporte aucun alliage; elle s'évanouit toute entière au moindre souffle étranger. Quelle est d'ailleurs l'opinion, quel est le parti qui ne trouve dans sa propre histoire, et dans son histoire récente, d'invincibles motifs pour souhaiter ardemment que la justice demeure, qu'elle demeure hors des débats et des vicissitudes de la politique ? L'iniquité s'est promenée au milieu de nous, frappant à toutes les portes, prenant aujourd'hui pour victimes ceux qu'hier elle voulait pour instrumens. Qui sait les retours des choses humaines ? Que la justice ne s'engage point à leur suite ! qu'il y ait, sur la terre, un asile inviolable à tous les vainqueurs !..."

When I collected these moral sketches, which were written at different times and under varying circumstances, I did not think that I needed to add anything to them. A recent event, however, has determined me, in now publishing them, to say a few words more. What is after all, speaking religiously, the great question, the most important question which at present occupies the minds of men? It is the question in debate between those who acknowledge and those who deny a supernatural, certain, and sovereign order of things, although inscrutable to human reason. The question in dispute, to call things by their right names, between supernaturalism and naturalism. On the one side, unbelievers, pantheists, pure rationalists, and sceptics of all kinds. On the other, Christians. I shall not discuss the matter; I shall lay aside every personal question, every controverted point, every argument. Controversy opens the abyss which it pretends to fill, for it adds the obstinacy of self-love to differences of opinion. To overcome objections raised by honourable and sincere men gives me but little pleasure. I have a higher desire. I aspire to unite myself with them in the truth. Two ideas fill my mind, and predominate on this subject. I wish to set them forth in pure and bright light. If I succeed, if I can transfuse them into other minds, they will do their own work, and render unnecessary the controversy from which I abstain. It would not be worth while to live if we gathered from a long life, no other fruit than a little experience and prudence in the affairs of this world, against the moment of leaving it. The prospect of human affairs, and the inward trials of the soul, afford brighter gleams, which spread themselves over the mysteries of nature and the destiny of man, and of this universe in the midst of which man is placed. I have received from practical life, deeper insight into these formidable questions, than meditation and science have ever given me.

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Democracy in France - January 1849 is an unchanged, high-quality reprint of the original edition .Hansebooks is editor of the literature on different topic areas such as research and science, travel and expeditions, cooking and nutrition, medicine, and other genres. As a publisher we focus on the preservation of historical literature. Many works of historical writers and scientists are available today as antiques only. Hansebooks newly publishes these books and contributes to the preservation of literature which has become rare and historical knowledge for the future.

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